Grace and friends were waiting for me at
Tiru had a car and he drove us to see the effect of the
During my stay in
Grace and friends were waiting for me at
Tiru had a car and he drove us to see the effect of the
During my stay in
Although Babagon Pineapples has been popularised far and wide in Sabah as well as in
If ever a pineapple juicing or canning factory was to be set up in Kampung Tintap area, the basic infrastructures for such a business enterprise are now set in place; a near-good narrow but sealed yet crooked roads, an almost-reliable electricity supply, fixed TM telephone lines connections and a reliable almost-FOC, clean water gravity supply. In the present the apparent lack of incentives from both the Government as well as the Corporate Sectors to pineapple farming the pineapple-farm small-holders plant pineapples for incidental cash-crops for local consumptions only. They are also planting pineapples, not for the fruit-for-food of it, but also for the fruit-for-Chinese-religion-prayer use. There are about 2,000 young pineapples crown coming out of the Sweet Babagon Pineapples area every 15 days cycle. Since it has been talked about and popularised by those impressed first-time buyers and by the Agriculture Department personnels, the grandest dining tables the sweet Babagon Pineapples have ever reached, it has been said, were the former Prime Minister’s and his other ministers’ dining tables. It was also said that it had also reached the shores of one of the
Sweet Babagon Pineapples are not only reputed to be sweet but they are in truth sweet. Some pineapple sellers try to dupe their buyers by claiming and naming their pineapples, Babagon Pineapples, irrespective of the place from where they had earlier obtained their pineapples for sale. This tactic is often ignored by the buyers for they could be considered a sale strategical gimmick. Buyers who know Babagon Pineapples can easily recognise the looks and general shape of the Babagon Pineapples.
Another factor which may demotivate entrepreneurs in setting up a pineapple canning factory in the Babagon area is the bulky size of the Babagon Pineapple. The standard factory slicing machine would slice the pineapple into two halves, normally discarding the bigger and better half. A pineapple juicing factory, therefore, may be the most suitable choice. If such an incentive to serious pineapple farming is created, one could bet one’s last Ringgit that every available land plot would be planted with pineapples. Both sides of the sub-JPJ standard Babagon-Timpango steep, narrow and crooked road would be decoratedly-planted with pineapples. An imaginary welcome arch immediately after the
Taking Kampung Babagon as the central location, the other kampungs producing this particular land produce, Sweet Babagon Pineapples, are the kampungs within the approximately six kilometers radius. They are not grown only in Kampung Babagon itself. Sweet Babagon Pineapples, therefore, has become a brand name for the sweet pineapples but no one should claim its exclusive ownership as a promotional trade brand.
Tintapland was applied for from the State Government of Sabah and the NT status land title was released in 1977. Its total area in acres was only 9.55 acres after its originally applied for area had been sliced two times to give others shares of God’s land. It has always been planted with pineapples, the Sweet Babagon Pineapples, ever since.
When the land was first applied for from the State Government, there were two interferers, so to speak. One person who had earlier asked for permission to squat on the land pleaded for a small piece when it was being surveyed for the title release. He was given a slice of approximately just over an acres. Another person, a Government officer working for the Land and Surveys Department, helped himself, so to speak, of more that 5 acres from the same Land Application piece.
This high ranking officer of the Lands and Surveys Department submitted his land application overlapping the very land I had applied for. I was told that there was no prove that I had previously applied for the said land. I could not take no for an answer and saw to it that the District Surveyor at that time referred to and make a search for my land application from old files. I did not ininsuate that my land application was purposely hidden nor did I give an inkling that I was going to report my loss to the newly established ACA at that time. The big fat closed file was pregnant with unattended Land Applications all of which were signed by my father, KK Emmanuel Tangit Kinajil. It was a rule rather than just a mere custom that Land Application submitted by individuals for Government lands within the jurisdiction of a particular Ketua Kampung (Village Chieftan) must be ascertained and signed by that Ketua Kampung. There was a coincidence or was it good spirit-led? When that big fat extra-ordinarily pregnant file was opened at random, at the same time the District Surveyor confidently saying, “..you see, nothing...nah ..”, the file slowly opened at the very land application I had submitted very much earlier in the decade. The District Surveyor sounded embarrassed and grunted, “…uh!..uh!...” I siezed upon the opportunity to request rather than demand for an immediate follow-up actions which could well be translated into the issue of SP (survey permit) and ground survey.
That high ranking officer, an Executive Officer of that Department, who happened to be a distant cousin-in-law to me, only then came up to me discretely and asked to be given a small slice. I was very angry that I was given a raw deal…treated in such a way… losing precious time at that office. At that time, I was a secondary school teacher at SMK Kota Kinabalu, which was housed at
In 2004, during the drought season, smoke was everywhere and affecting visibility on
Within the month the rest of the hill was ‘yulbrienered’. There was a good cause for a punitive compound for a few individuals. The Health as well as the Environmental Protection Departments could have instituted something!
Earlier, in the early 1980, the cleared side of the hill was planted with RM1,000-00 worth of pineapple suckles. Each suckle was 25 sen and there were an additional 50 suckles given as extras just in case some chose not to really make it. Therefore, not less than 4050 pineapples were initially planted on the eastern hill part of Tintapland in early 1980. They were the sweet Babagon Pineapples. There was so much pineapples, the plants and the fruit, so much so that one who was closely connected to the pineapples would not want to look at the planted pineapples and their fruits at that time.
Once upon a time the Big Boss of a factory in a fast developing country in
“Do You See Any Planted Poles?”
Kadazandusun parents tend to speak to their children in a language other than their own. If they know how to speak English then the tendency is that they speak to their children in English. If they do not know English then Malay would be their choice. If they were educated in the Malay medium schools, then they would be using a reasonably standard spoken Malay when they speak to their children. If they do not have much or any formal schooling at all then they would use a sub-standard Malay, the colloquial version that they might have picked up all along their pathways of life, so to speak. Their sub-standard Malay is almost unintelligible to themselves because they would Kadazandusunised certain words of the Malay language that they don’t know. Any Malay words that they do not know or which they cannot remember at any particular point in time while speaking would be automatically replaced by a Kadazandusun word which, to them, has a similar meaning. For example, when a typical kampung Kadazandusun mother wants to call her young daughter to be still and to sit down near her grandmother, she would say, “Mali siini osong, diam-diam bo gia, duduk siini dakat Odu’ kau”. (Come here dear, behave yourself, sit down near your grandmother”). She could have said proudly using her own language, “Ka dohiiti Osong, tumoronong no bo gia, indikau hiiti’d doros di Odu’ nu.” Another mixture of words, or rather, language, typical of a Kadazandusun elder’s spoken Sonsog language to a minor is as such. “Oyo’, tulung dodu’ tutuk ini pinang”. (My dear, help grandmother pound this beetle nut”.
English educated Kadazandusun parents tend to use the English Language when they speak to their children. To them the ease of using the English language is so convenient so much so that English becomes an auxiliary language to them. But when they speak to each other, the father and the mother, they would normally be using their L1, otherwise they use the Malay language. Even if the English educated parents are of the same race, they would still be using English when they speak to their children. In another scenario, when the father is the one who knows only but a very limited English, he wouldn’t dare using English when he spoke to his children. He would use English only when he speaks to his wife and only when he has previously downed a few cans of beer. When that happens then the comparatively harsher language tend to come out first. If he is lost with words, an intended communication would end up something like, “Don’t you what what me!”, or, “You this arud!”
When it comes to the English Language, only the capable in the English language parents speak English to their children. The English limited parents could not to use English the way they adulterate the use of their spoken Malay when they speak to their children. When they have not learnt English and their living environments were not rich in English, then they would not play the fool with themselves.
Why is this tendency of using other languages apart from one’s own language so prevalent among the Kadazandusun people? Such a question has been asked not only a few times but so many times, so much so that no one expects it to get an immediate answer. The possible answers are in theories as no one really knows the real answer, not even the users themselves. It has been theorized that the parents are happy and proud that they know how to speak Malay or English. They want to further train themselves to speak Malay or English by making use of their children as their training tools. Could this be the real reason? Perhaps but quite unlikely for they speak, for example, English to their spouses only when they dare to do so.
Another theory is that they want to train their children to use Malay as a communication tool before they go to school. They know that their children will have to use Malay when they go to school. Could this be a reason? It is doubted. Even when there were no children around, their pets would be talked to in Malay, for the parents who are not proficient in English and in English for those who are at ease with the English language. The Malay they use is far from being the standard type used in schools. They are perhaps proud that they know how to speak a language other than their own. They could be of the opinion that when they speak Malay, or English, they are considered by others around them as people of some standing in society. How can such foolishness be still present in the mentality of the Kadazandusun people? What would the Kadazandusun Language become one thousand years from now?